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Definition of Comprehensive Examinations (Depth Field)
(Approved)
Pinar Gurleyen
Student ID 301071580
CMNS 895: Comprehensive Exams
Supervisory Committee for Comprehensive Exams:
Senior Supervisor: Dr. Robert A. Hackett, Professor, School of Communication, SFU
Signature: _______________________ Date: ________________
Supervisor: Dr. Shane Gunster, Professor, School of Communication, SFU
Signature: _______________________ Date: ______________
The depth field of this comprehensive examination examines the democratic significance of alternative journalism. The field definition starts with an overview of the main characteristics of alternative media/journalism. Next, it discusses the role of alternative media as agents of societal and media democratization. The last section looks at the praxis and examines alternative journalistic practices through three case studies.
Overview/Problematic of the Field
It has been argued that alternative media can be distinguished by their content (offering counter hegemonic coverage and representations of the issues and groups), their organizational (non-hierarchical) and financial (non-profit) structures, and their relationship with the audience (based on audiences participation on the content creation and decision-making processes). Similarly, alternative journalism is argued to have distinctive characteristics such as the rejection of the norm of objectivity and the aim to invert the hierarchy of access to the news (Atton and Hamilton, 2008, p.86). These characteristics are often seen by alternative media scholars as constituting a more democratic media and journalism than the current dominant media systems and conventional journalism. Similarly, some consider alternative media/journalism as an antidote for the current structures and practices. As such, it has been argued that alternative media can potentially address the deep seated problems in the mainstream media (Gibbs, 2003, p.587) and contribute to the democratization of communication and society (Downing, 2001; Atton and Hamilton, 2008; Rodriguez, Kidd and Stein, 2009).Yet in more mainstream accounts and analysis, alternative media still represent an alternative ghetto and exemplify radical failure- failure to attract advertisers, failure to act in a businesslike manner and failure to reach significant audiences (Harcup, 2003, p.356).
To be able to reach a more comprehensive assessment of alternative media/journalisms democratic significance, we should examine the role they play in democracies. Haas offers two guiding questions (2004) for this assessment:
What are the democratic potentials of alternative media in general and alternative journalism in particular, as agents of societal democratization?
What are the democratic potentials of alternative media /journalism as agents of media democratization?
In terms of the first question, we can distinguish two approaches. Although both of them adopt a radical democracy perspective, they view the contribution of alternative media to democracy differently. The first approach defines the democratic significance of alternative media in terms of their ability to affect large scale social and political reform (Haas, 2004, p.116). Downing (2001), Streitmaitter (2001) and Atton (2002) appropriate this view. The second approach, reflected mostly in Rodriguezs work (2001), suggests that the democratic significance of alternative media lies in everyday politics (Haas, 2004, 116). Consequently, for the former approach, social movements media gain prominence in the analysis. For instance, in his study of radical media Downing looks at how information and communication technologies used by radical media activists to bring about social change (Rodriguez, 2008). The latter approach emphasizes the social empowerment potential of alternative media. In her case studies, Rodriguez (2001) observes how communities can reappropriate electronic media and use them as tools to convey their identities, stories and/or problems. Thus Citizens media as she calls them, contribute to communities and democracy through opening social spaces for dialogue and participation, breaking individuals isolation, encouraging creativity and imagination, redefining social languages and symbols, and demystify the mass media (Rodriguez, 2001, p.63). Both approaches mentioned above correspond to what Hackett and Carroll (2006b, p.84) describe as democratization through the media (see p. 7 for the definition of the term).
Related to the second question, it has been suggested that alternative media play a significant role in the democratization of media firstly by offering egalitarian and inclusive public spheres (instead of one national or international public sphere, here the existence of multiple public spheres for different communities is emphasized). Secondly, their diffusion of counter hegemonic content is stated as an important democratizing function (Atton and Hamilton, 2008; Downing, 2001). Couldrey and Curran (2003) propose a different understanding of alternative media and suggest that even though some media organizations do not produce oppositional content, they can still be characterised as alternative media because they challenge the concentration of previously authorised media power (Anderson, in Rodriguez et al, 2009, Vol.1, p.49). In this sense the decentralization of media power can be considered as an important democratizing function of alternative media.
Vis-a-vis alternative medias conceptualization as agents of media democratization, social movements and their media occupy a central role. Social movements hold a double function: they constitute models for an alternative and democratic communication system and at the same time they can act as active agents to transform the existing structures. As this second function is not directly linked to alternative journalism per se, it is not going to be examined in my field definition. Yet, social movements agency in this area is worth examining.
Social movements can intervene into reconstruction of the media systems for the benefit of all (Rodriguez et al, 2009, Vol.I, p.2) through media activism. Given their exclusion and marginalization by the mainstream media, it can be argued that social movements have an invested interest in the reshaping of media structures and policies (Hackett and Carroll, 2006a, 2006b). However, when it comes to intervention efforts, the limitation and sometimes the lack of resources complicate social movements involvement in media reform. Most of the time, social movements prefer not to mobilize their limited sources for this quest, instead they tend to give priority to their immediate objectives and perceive media reform as a long-term strategy (2006b, p.91). However, an emerging social movement- media reform movement- defines media as its main area of activism (Hackett and Carroll, 2006a, 2006b). As Rodriguez notes, both at the national and international level media reform movements pressure the state to develop regulatory framework reforms leading to a more responsible mainstream media, more legal opportunity for alternative media to flourish, less corporate driven copyright regimes, and more transparent and just Internet governance (Rodriguez et al., Vol II, p.26).
Returning to my initial question, in this definition I examine how the above mentioned aspects of alternative media translate into alternative journalism? As alternative journalism is mostly practiced within alternative media, the guiding characteristics and principles of alternative media are reflected in the journalistic content and news making processes. In line with this, besides producing counter hegemonic coverage of the topics and issues, alternative journalists also establish a new epistemology of news (Atton and Hamilton, 2008, p.1). In this new epistemology, deprofessionalization constitutes a key element. Thus, news is produced by amateurs who typically have little or no training or professional qualifications as journalists: they write and report from their position as citizens, as members of communities, as activists or as fans (ibid, pp.1-2). This ensures the direct participation of citizens into news making. In terms of representation, the interests, views and needs of the under-represented groups in society are prioritized. In line with this view the norm of objectivity is being rejected in favor of an engaged position called partisan reporting. Although these principles entail an opposing and almost binary conception to mainstream journalism, some studies point out the crossovers between alternative and conventional journalism (Harcup, 2005). Not only do the practitioners often move from alternative to mainstream and vice versa, but there is also the transfer of techniques of news production (such as the transfer of investigative reporting to alternative journalism or the Guardians use of native reporting as analyzed by Atton, 2002) (Harcup, 2005). These transfers constitute a possible venue for the democratization of journalism. As Haas notes, scholars like Bruck and Raboy (1990) and Streittmatter (2001, p.283) have put forward the idea that mainstream media should emulate alternative media practices (2004, p.118). In this sense Haas suggests that mainstream news organizations that already adopt journalism reform projects such as civic or public journalism can further their democratic goals by emulating alternative media practices (ibid, p.118). The public journalism movement and alternative journalisms overarching goals such as increasing citizen participation, covering issues of concern to the citizens and reporting on those issues from the perspective of citizens rather than politicians, experts and other elite actors can further enable such a collaboration (Haas, 2004, p.118). Yet as Haas himself acknowledges, this collaboration may pose some challenges for the public journalism movement that avoids open political advocacy and ties with politically organized groups such as political parties or trade unions (2004; 118-119). Thus alternative journalisms potential effectiveness to transform mainstream journalism remains a debatable issue.
Although as a necessary first step the field definition starts with theoretical foregrounding of alternative media/journalism and their democratic significance as agents of societal and media democratization, the analysis cannot be complete without looking at the praxis. That is why the third and last section of the field definition is composed of case studies that examine what democratic outcomes flow from the alternative structures and practices of non-mainstream media/journalism. As the main interest of this field definition is alternative journalism, the chosen case studies (Independent Media Centres, community radio stations in Australia, and a comparative study of mainstream and alternative press coverage, described below) mostly focus on news production.
Definition of the Field
Contextualizing alternative media/ journalism
As Clemencia Rodriguez notes the academic literature on alternative media generally contains two types of work: the first type, descriptive studies, that deal with the origin and characteristics of alternative media including issues such as their funding and programmes (2001, p.11). The second type aims to conceptualize alternative media in relation to their importance as processes of communication and democracy (2001, p.11). In my attempt to contextualize alternative media, I will use both approaches emphasizing the former approach in this section and the latter in the next section.
Characteristics of alternative media
The concept of alternative media encompasses a wide array of practices from underground press, labour and social movements media to fanzines, weblogs and even street theatre (Bekken, 2008). This heterogeneity poses a challenge for developing an all-encompassing, single and fixed definition for alternative media (Haas, 2004, 115; Harcup, 2005, p.361). Yet, there are diverse attempts of theorizing and defining alternative media. The most common ones are the functional definitions:
Most generally, alternative media could be defined as media, devoted to providing representations of issues and events which oppose those offered in the mainstream media and to advocating social and political reform (Haas, 2004, 115).
Haas refers to the balancing and counteracting function of alternative media that consists of offering counter hegemonic-representations of the issues and also of diverse groups and cultures marginalized, under-represented or excluded by the dominant media (Bailey, Cammaerts and Carpentier, 2008; Meyers, 2008, Hackett and Carroll, 2006a, p.58). Hackett and Carroll describe the political orientation and content of alternative media as ideally being progressive, explicitly opposed to particular axes of domination (corporate capitalism, heterosexism, racism, state authoritarianism) (2006).
The second ascribed function function consists of the advocacy role. As such, alternative media promote mobilized citizenry rather than informed citizenry (Atton, 2002 cited in Haas, p.116). As a part of the advocacy principle, alternative media ideally fulfill the need for creative, positive action of proposing, debating and putting into practice new kinds of social relationships, and ultimately, a new social order (Hamilton, 2000, p.362).
Alternative media also differ from their mainstream counterparts in their structural and financial aspects and the relationship they establish among the producers and consumers (Meyers, 2008, p.376-377). They usually operate on small budgets and do not belong to large economic organizations (Meyers, 2008, p.376). Alternative media organizations usually reject profit orientation and advertising (Bailey, Cammaerts and Carpentier, 2008, p.19, 32; Atton and Hamilton, 2008, p.86). Similarly, state or municipal grants are seen as threats to independency.
As such, most of them rely on subscription, donations, trust funds or foundations (Hackett and Carroll, 2006, p.58). In line with this financial model, alternative media, especially those operated within social movements are run co-operatively by the media workers (Atton and Hamilton, 2008, p.86; Hackett and Carroll, 2006, p.58). Due to their financial and organizational structures, alternative media are conceptualized as self- managed (Downing, 2001) collectivist-democratic (Hocheimer, 1993) and non-hierarchal (Atton, 2002) organizations (as cited in Haas, 2004, p.116).
Besides workers inclusion in the decision making processes and ownership, audiences participation to content creation is also emphasized in alternative media. As such, alternative media practitioners pursue the ideal of moving beyond the sender-receiver model. The audiences and producers of alternative media often times share a community bond. Additionally, in certain cases by appropriating a certain medium (TV, Video or Radio) community members can produce and circulate their own content and thus act as both producers and consumers. Rodriguez (2001) and Downings (2001) case studies from different parts of the world illustrate several examples of this phenomenon.
Contextualizing Alternative Journalism
Journalism practiced by alternative media is typically understood as entirely separate and different forms journalism practiced within mainstream media (Harcup, 2005, p.361). Thus as Atton and Hamilton note, alternative journalism proceeds from dissatisfaction not only with the mainstream coverage of certain issues and topics, but also the epistemology of news (2008, p.1). As such, alternative media practitioners challenge the existing social status quo through coverage of topics not usually addressed by the mainstream media because of their commercial nature or hegemonic biases (Meyers, 2008, p.376). Harcup (2003, p.16) calls this type of journalism counter-hegemonic journalism.
As a part of the epistemological critiques, the professional ideal of objectivity understood as the separation of facts from values has been challenged by alternative media practitioners on the grounds that this ideal is not only unrealistic but also masks relations and structures of domination (Atton and Hamilton, 2008, p.84). This ideal is replaced by partisan reporting. This type of journalism has been described as Insurgent Journalism ... in the historical context (Curran and Seaton, 2003, p.16 cited in Harcup, 2005, p.362) and many of those involved in alternative media see their journalism as a political activity (Whitaker, 1981, p.99 as cited in Harcup, 2005, p.362).
Another epistemological critique is directed at sourcing routines and over reliance on elite sources. Instead of relying on elite discourses and expert knowledge, alternative journalism seeks to
Invert the hierarchy of access (Glasgow University Media Group, 1976: 245) to the news by explicitly foregrounding the viewpoints of ordinary people (activists, protesters, local residents): citizens whose visibility in the mainstream media tends to be obscured by the elite groups or individuals (Atton and Hamilton, 2008, p.86).
Although these definitions of alternative journalism offer a binary conceptualization, recent studies point out that journalism of alternative and mainstream media are not entirely separate worlds (Harcup, 2005, p.369). There can be hybrid practices where alternative journalists draw from existing forms (such as tabloid journalism) and methods (such as investigative journalism) (Atton 2003, as cited in Harcup, 2005, p. 368-369). In their study of the alternative news network Indymedia, Deuze and Platon also find certain similarities between journalism of alternative and mainstream media such as the use of brand name and identity as a kind of authoritative voice in news broadcasting (2003, p.350).
Democratic Significance of Alternative Media
Alternative Media as Agents of Societal Democratization
Scholarship examining the democratic significance of alternative media mostly adopts a radical democracy (also referred as participatory-deliberative democracy in the breadth field) perspective (Downing, 2001; Rodriguez, 2001; Atton, 2002, Atton and Hamilton, 2008; Haas, 2004). As the proponents of this model envision an engaged and active citizenry, they conceive alternative media mostly as an alternative public sphere (Downing, 2001, p29) which enables diverse publics to speak in their own voice on issues related to their lives (Bekken, 2008). Cammaerts et al. explain this phenomenon by the concept of participation through the media which emphasizes citizens need to participate in the processes of dialogue, debate and deliberation in the collective decision making (2008, p.11).
Of equal importance, alternative media, especially social movements media are conceptualized as instruments of social change. According to Atton and Hamilton the foregrounding of social movements of the popular mobilization for political and social change is at the heart of theorizing about alternative media (2008, p.119). Along the same line, Downing argues (2001) the value of alternative media stems from its potential for social and political change.
Within the context of social movements, alternative media is thought to provide a critique of the dominant ideologies (Atton, 2002, 491) and used by the activists to build solidarity and support around their agendas (Rodriguez, 2008). As such, the use of alternative media by the social movements corresponds to the idea of democratization through the media described as the use of media whether by governments or civil society actors to promote democratic goals and processes elsewhere in society (Hackett and Carroll, 2006a, p.84). Downings research sheds light on the uses of alternative media by different social movements through case studies from different countries (2001). He prefers to use the term Radical media, as he finds the term alternative media oxymoronic as everything, at some point, is alternative to something else (1984, ix cited in Rodriguez, 2008). Couldrey and Curran note that
Downings term radical media highlights the role of nonmainstream media in contesting established power blocs with a view to wider social emancipation however it also contains the disadvantage in its definition as it excludes from its understanding of alternative media any media on the right of the political spectrum even those whose challenge to the concentration of media resources in central institutions is explicit and direct (2003, p.7).
Radical (or alternative) media thus acts as an agent of democratization by allowing people to participate in discussions in the public sphere, bringing the agendas of social movements to the attention of the government as well as mainstream media (Streitmatter, 2001) and providing vertical and lateral communication among the activists.
According to these accounts, alternative medias democratic significance is related to their ability to affect large scale social and political reform (Haas, 2004, p.116). Drawing on Paulo Frerries critical pedagogy (1970) and Chantal Mouffes (1972) theories of radical democracy Rodriguez (2001) offers another perspective and turns her attention to quotidian (everyday) politics. That is where she finds the democratic significance of alternative media (Haas, 2004, p.116). Thus, she argues that the strength of alternative media lies not only in their counter-information role but also in the provision of opportunities for ordinary people to tell their own stories, and reconstruct their culture and identity using their own symbols, signs and language. In this way they challenge social codes, validate identities and empower themselves and their communities (Atton and Hamilton, 2008, p.122). Hence, for her, alternative media practitioners are above all active citizens and she coins the term citizens media to refer to their media. She defines citizenship as a form of identification, a type of political identity that has to be enacted on a day to day basis through participation in everyday political practices (Rodriguez, 2001, p. 19).
Journalism of Social Movements Media (Native Reporting)
Journalism practiced in the social movements media is often named native reporting (Atton and Hamilton, 2008, p.127). The term makes reference to the colonization of certain groups by the professional journalists (in the dominant media) who report on the matters of concern to these groups and yet exclude them from participating in media. Spurr points out the inherent power relations between the observer and the observed and argues that these are grounded by the routinized narrative practices of journalism (as cited in Atton and Hamilton, 2008, p.128). Native reporters, who are often activists or community members (mostly non-professionals) counter this colonization by being the subjects of the news, identifying their own problems and expressing themselves through their own voice. As such, through their news-making, communities, civic organizations or groups seek to act as news sources and news subjects. As such native reporters write and report from their position as citizens, members of communities, as activists or as fans (Atton and Hamilton, 2008, p.2). This form of reporting is argued to be empowering. Ford et al. suggest that we should consider alternative journalism as a process of cultural empowerment [where] content production is not necessarily the prime purpose [and] what maybe as (or more) important are the ways in which community media outlets facilitate the process of community organization (as cited in Atton and Hamilton, 2008, p.129). This approach meshes with Rodriguezs argument that although much of the alternative media have short lifecycles, their achievements can be best understood as those of empowered citizens who continue acting on their new found abilities in a different realm (Rodriguez, 2001, p.159).
Alternative Media as Agents of Media Democratization
According to Hackett and Carroll, media democratization comprises three specific purposes; (1) expanding the range of voices represented by media thus building a more egalitarian and participatory public sphere; (2) promoting and importing the practices of sustainable democracy to other media as well as outside and; (3) offsetting other political and economic inequalities present in the system (2004, p.15). Alternative media is thought to contribute these aspects through its counter hegemonic content and participatory, non-hierarchal structure.
Some theorists emphasize the role of social movements and their media in the democratization process. White (1995) sees democratization of communication as a constitutive component of all social movements. He suggests that social movements that introduce a major socio-cultural shift in civilizations also tend to introduce a radically different normative theory of communication and a new culture of public communication (p.93). For him, social movements are themselves communication patterns that emerge outside and in opposition to the existing institutional, hierarchical (non-democratic) structure of communications in a society (p.93). White emphasizes that social movements, in order to strengthen identification and loyalty of their members, tend to introduce and (legitimize) alternative patterns of communication that recognize members right to contribute to communicative inputs and enables them to be a part of all the phases of the collective communication decision-making processes (p.93). In line with these arguments, he also claims that social movements tend to improve and democratize all aspects of communication process such as the definition of the communication and professional roles and training of media professionalism, use of new technologies and development new codes of ethics (p.93). Similarly, Preston sees social movements at the forefront of the struggle for a more egalitarian, inclusive and social information society (cited in Atton and Hamilton, 2008, p.119). He further argues that based as they are on notions of equality, inclusivity, social justice and radical notions of democracy, new social movements hold out the possibility of transforming the production and consumption capacities of new communication technologies (ibid, p.119).
Alternative media in this sense also serves as rhizome for diverse groups (such as media democratization movements) who seek a change in the dominant media systems and allows for transhegemonic collaborations and partnerships among these groups (Bailey, Cammaerts and Carpentier, 2008, p.31). Especially internet-based networks such as Indymedia facilitate these collaborations by bringing together multiple local alternative public spheres and form a macro public sphere (Atton and Hamilton, 2008, p.122; Haas, 2004).
Another approach (which is linked to Whites view) emphasizes the organizational models of alternative media (especially those of social movements media) in media democratization. Schudson (1987) suggests that the way in which a medium is organized and what kind of social relations it assists may be more crucial than the kinds of content produced (cited in Hamilton, 2000, p.358). In the same vein, it has been argued that social movements media are important not only for what they say but for how they are organized (Atton and Hamilton, 2008, p.121). Downing (2001, pp.67-74) identifies two types of organizational models in the radical media: Leninist and self-management models. He argues that radical media need to be organized in ways that promote developmental power within their own ranks that develop participation in all decisions by historically extruded groups [...] (ibid, p.72). He cautions against the potential dangers of the tyranny of structurelesness as well as Leninist model of hierarchal organization and party line-ism that can occur within the social movements media (Hackett and Carroll, 2006b, p.59).
From a Marxist analysis of media it has been suggested alternative media may be considered as offering radical, anti capitalist relations of production besides being projects of ideological disturbance and rupture (Atton and Hamilton, 2008, p.120). Thus, using a simple analogy, we can argue that the journalistic practices of alternative media not only seek to produce news that is not only organic (in the sense that it is connected to the community), but also fair trade.
As a part of alternative medias role in media democratization, some scholars examine whether and how alternative media can help to democratize mainstream media (Haas, 2004, p.118). It has been argued that mainstream media, especially those who already adopt reform projects like public or civic journalism movement can emulate alternative journalistic practices as they share similar democratic goals. For instance Haas suggests a more politicized perspective in the public journalism movement:
Instead of partnering only with politically benign organizations like non-profit foundations, universities and local civic groups, news organizations practicing public journalism, should, like alternative media, join forces with political parties, trade unions, professional associations, local reform movements and other special interest groups (ibid, p.118).
Haass suggestions are potent and merit further exploration; he combines journalistic reform from within (public journalism movement) and from outside (through organized groups, citizens and social movements).
Social movements do not only contribute to the democratization of communication by setting a model for the mainstream media but they can also intervene into reconstruction of the media systems for the benefit of all (Rodriguez et al, 2009, Vol.I, p.2) through media activism. Given their exclusion and marginalization by the mainstream media, it can be argued that social movements have an invested interest in the reshaping of media structures and policies (Hackett and Carroll, 2006a, 2006b). Yet when it comes to intervention efforts, the limitation and sometimes the lack of resources complicate social movements involvement in media reform. Most of the time, social movements prefer not to mobilize their limited sources for this quest, instead they tend to give priority to their immediate objectives and perceive media reform as a long-term strategy (2006b, p.91). However, an emerging social movement- media reform movement- defines media and communication systems in general as its main area of activism (Hackett and Carroll, 2006a, 2006b). As Rodriguez notes, both at the national and international level media reform movements pressure the state to develop regulatory framework reforms leading to a more responsible mainstream media, more legal opportunity for alternative media to flourish, less corporate driven copyright regimes, and more transparent and just Internet governance (Rodriguez et al., Vol. II, p.26). As such she claims that citizens become their own watchdogs of the media. Starting from the NWICO (New World Information and Communication Order) movement of the 1980s to more recent examples such as the Free Press movement (started in the US in 2001 by John Nichols and Robert McChesney) (for more information see McChesney, 2007) and CRIS Campaign (Communication Rights in the Information Society), the efforts of these movements have not been in vain. Although these movements constitute the core aspect of the social movements contribution to media democratization they are beyond the scope of this field definition that focuses on alternative media/journalisms democratic significance.
Case Studies
Indymedia
Independent Media Centres (IMCs) were born during the 1999 World Trade Organization confrontations in Seattle. Anti Globalization activists who were concerned about corporate medias coverage of the events, sought to build their own media network in order to communicate the protests to the world in their own voice. In other words they aimed to provide counter hegemonic coverage of the protests. Using the internet, they created an open publishing system allowing users to post their comments, photographs or videos. As such, they challenged the hierarchal or vertical relationship between producers and consumers that characterizes traditional media (Skinner, Uzelman, Langlois and Dubois in Rodriguez et al, 2009, Vol I, p.184). In the last decade, IMCs have proliferated rapidly. By 2005, there were over 160 Independent Media Centres on six continents (Rodriguez et al, 2009, Vol I, p.184). IMCs characteristics, such as rejection of objectivity, commitment to deprofessionalization of news making, participatory structures and organic ties to anti-capitalist movemen,t make them an ideal site of inquiry for alternative journalism studies. IMCs are often celebrated as an example of how the internet can be used as a democratic medium or innovation commons where its users share control over the creation, publication and usage of content (Platon and Deuze, 2003, p.339). As such, journalism of IMCs democratizes communication by breaking down the producer/consumer binary (ibid, p.218). Platon and Deuze argue that IMCs commitment to transparency in the news making, particularly their editorial mailing lists, chat -open publishing-offer new ways of looking at journalisms function in fostering and amplifying public debate (p.352). Haas (2004) suggests that these practices can be adopted by mainstream media organizations that are committed to journalism reform. Similarly, Platon and Deuze see room for exchange and learning for corporate media in regards to the journalism of IMCs (2003, p.352). Yet, as all the above mentioned authors (Hass and Platon &Deuze) note, this kind of transfer seems quite unlikely. Moreover, the democratizing potentials of some of these practices such as open publishing have been scrutinized by researchers. Anderson suggests that It remains unclear whether or not the explosion of online participatory journalism will result in any concrete radical change, either within the profession of journalism itself or in the larger political and economic structures as a whole(in Rodriguez et al., 2009, Vol I, p.67). It seems that Indymedia has to overcome a number of challenges to be able to use its democratizing potentials more productively. The first challenge consists of establishing a more inclusive internal democracy. Brooten and Hall draw attention to a gender hierarchy that shows itself in the debates within IMCs (Rodriguez et al, 2009, Vol I, p.203-219). Jones and Martin (ibid, pp.223-239) on the other hand point out a privileged group holding power within Indymedia because of their expertise in the new communication technologies. As Rennie cautions; This can be used to dominate and determine groups direction and exclude existing or new participants (Rodriguez et al, 2009, Vol I, p.160). Issues such as fund-raising editorial control and volunteer recruitment are found to be other challenges threatening the continuation of these media organizations (ibid, p.160).
Public Arena Journalism in the Australian community Broadcasting Sector
Forde et al.s study of public arena journalism (also known as community journalism) gives valuable insights on alternative journalisms role in creating alternative public spheres for communities (Rodriguez et al, 2009, Vol I, pp.163-181). They describe the Australian media sector as one of the most concentrated in the Western world (ibid.p.165). Community media, especially community radio stations can be seen as a response of different groups in Australia to corporate medias failure to address their concerns. Forde et al. argue that community radio stations create a community public sphere which is a space where communities of interest engage in activities and interests of importance to them (2003, p.317). While all community stations do not necessarily see themselves as resisting the mainstream the authors describe the community public sphere as a product of contestation with the mainstream public sphere (ibid.p.317).
An earlier version of their study based on surveys and focus groups reports that community radio stations fulfil an important cultural role by providing communities with a local voice (2003, p.332). They establish dialogue among the members of community and enables diverse elements of their community to work together to produce public arena journalism (ibid, p.332).
The Unspoken Said (Harcup, 2003)
The third case study looks at alternative journalisms potential to offer counter-hegemonic coverage of the issues. Through a comparative content analysis of one alternative (Leeds Other Paper) and one mainstream newspaper (Yorkshire Evening Post) and interviews with their practitioners Harcup examines whether the journalism of alternative and mainstream media differ from each other in their news values and news gathering methods (such as the use of sources). In order to do that he examines the coverage of 1981 Chapeltown the riots in the UK that unfolded from the tension between police and the Caribbean Community.
He concludes that the coverage of the Leeds Other Paper differ from its mainstream counterpart in that the former contextualized the events within a framework of poverty, unemployment, low pay, alienation and racist attacks whereas the latter located the riots as a law and order issue (p. 365). As such Leeds Other provided a counter-hegemonic view of the riot especially through its use of native reporters (rioters as reporters).
Reading List for the Depth Field
Abel, R. (1997) An Alternative Press: Why?Publishing Research Quarterly, 12(4):78-84.
Allen, P. (1985) Socialist Worker Paper With a Purpose, Media, Culture and Society, 7:205-232
Atton, C. (2002). HYPERLINK "http://web.ebscohost.com.proxy.lib.sfu.ca/ehost/viewarticle?data=dGJyMPPp44rp2%2fdV0%2bnjisfk5Ie46bNOtaivTrek63nn5Kx95uXxjL6nr0evrK1Krqa3OLOws0i4qLA4v8OkjPDX7Ivf2fKB7eTnfLujr0%2b1p7ROrq6uTKTi34bls%2bOGpNrgVfPc5j7y1%2bVVv8Skeeyztk2zqrNMtZzkh%2fDj34y73POE6urjkPIA&hid=112" \o "News Cultures and New Social Movements: radical journalism and the mainstream media."News Cultures and New Social Movements: radical journalism and the mainstream media. Journalism Studies, 3 (4): 491-505
Atton, C. and Wickenden, E. (2005) Sourcing Routines and Representation in Alternative Journalism: A Case Study Approach, Journalism Studies, 6(3): 347-359
Atton, C. and Hamilton, J. (2008) Alternative Journalism. London: Sage. (Also used in the first field)
Cammaerts, B, and Carpentier, N. (2008) Understanding Alternative Media Published Maidenhead : McGraw Hill/Open University Press.
Bruns, A. (2006) Wikinews: The Next Generation of Alternative Online News?, Scan 3(1). Available at http://scan.net.au (10 Aug. 2007)
Caldwell, J. T. (2003) Alternative media in suburban plantation culture, Media, Culture and Society, 25: 647 67.
Couldry, N. and Curran, J. (2003) Contesting Media Power: Alternative Media in a Networked World. Laham, MD. Rowman and Littlefield.
Deuze, M., Bruns, A., Neuberger, C., (2007) Preparing for an age of participatory news. Journalism Practice, 1(3): 322-338
Downing, J. (2008). Social Movement Theories and Alternative Media: An evaluation and Critique. Communication, Culture &Critique, Vol I, pp.40-50.
Downing, J. (2003) Audiences and Readers of Alternative Media: The Absent Lure of Virtually Unkown, Media, Culture and Society 25(5): 625-645
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Encyplodia sources used in the field definition
Bekken, Jon. "Alternative Journalism." The International Encyclopedia of Communication. Donsbach, Wolfgang (ed). Blackwell Publishing, 2008. Blackwell Reference Online. 25 May 2010 HYPERLINK "http://www.communicationencyclopedia.com.proxy.lib.sfu.ca/subscriber/tocnode?id=g9781405131995_chunk_g97814051319956_ss39-1"http://www.communicationencyclopedia.com.proxy.lib.sfu.ca/subscriber/tocnode?id=g9781405131995_chunk_g97814051319956_ss39-1
Rodrguez, Clemencia. "Radical Media." The International Encyclopedia of Communication. Donsbach, Wolfgang (ed). Blackwell Publishing, 2008. Blackwell Reference Online. 31 May 2010 HYPERLINK "http://www.communicationencyclopedia.com.proxy.lib.sfu.ca/subscriber/tocnode?id=g9781405131995_chunk_g978140513199523_ss1-1"http://www.communicationencyclopedia.com.proxy.lib.sfu.ca/subscriber/tocnode?id=g9781405131995_chunk_g978140513199523_ss1-1
It can be argued that the emergence and popularity of new forms of alternative media/journalism (such as blogs or online participatory news sites) reopened the debates about the democratic potentials of alternative journalistic practices.
Downing has studied the role(s) of radical media in different geographical, cultural, and political contexts that include radical radio and print media and the fall of the dictatorship in Portugal in the 1970s; the free radio movement in Italy from 1970 to 2000; the case of access television in the United States during the 1980s and 1990s; the case of samizdat in the former Soviet bloc; and the case of Free Radio Berkeley in the United States.
Curran and Couldrey define alternative media as media production that challenges, at least implicitly, actual concentrations of media power, whatever form those concentrations may take in different locations (2003, P. 7).
Pinar Gurleyen-301071580- Comprehensive Examination-Field DefinitionsJuly 31, 2010
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